Affichage des articles dont le libellé est RSA. Afficher tous les articles
Affichage des articles dont le libellé est RSA. Afficher tous les articles

jeudi 10 septembre 2009

South Africa - the leading economy in the world?

Since the end of apartheid South Africa has become a world economic powerhouse. But how are the country's businesses placed to deal with the global recession? Janice Warman reports

Time was, not long ago, when South Africa was a pariah, isolated from the world and cut off from international sport, theatre, music and business. Even the Boeing 747s of its national airline were banned from African airspace and had to skirt the continent's coastline on their long journeys north.

Fifteen years into its new era of democracy, it is back in the fold of the international community. Singers and actors for whom visiting South Africa could have meant career suicide during the apartheid era flock to the country. The 2010 FIFA World Cup is eagerly awaited. And later this month Johannesburg is hosting a world summit on arts and culture, which could as well have been held in Munich, Vienna or Paris.

The same is true for the country's role in the wider business world. Multinational investors are back; but more and more, South Africa is becoming a net exporter of its own companies.

This trend has not been halted by the current recession. Although the economy is forecast to contract by 1.8% in 2009, it is still expected to expand by 2.1% next year. Africa's largest economy has been protected from the worst effects of the global recession by stringent banking regulations and exchange controls, leaving it well placed to make further inroads into international markets.

According to African Business magazine, 15 out of the top 16 companies on the continent are South African, as are 54 out of the top 90. And the companies in the former apartheid state are flexing their muscles and finding new markets in Africa and across the world.

"South Africa is probably the leading economy in the world," says Dr Martyn Davies, chief executive of Frontier Advisory, a research and strategy company working in frontier and emerging markets and director of the Centre for Chinese Studies at Stellenbosch University. "No other country of our size and economic ranking has produced as many globally successful Fortune 500 companies as we have. The only comparable country is South Korea. There is a phenomenal ability for South African companies to grow and go global from South Africa. No other comparably sized emerging market has been able to succeed in doing that; not even the Chinese, not even the Indians."

Many South African companies, particularly when the post-apartheid era dawned in 1994, turned their attention first to Africa. "We see Africa as a business opportunity. Sure it's risky, sure it's tough, but we have a saying: Africa's not for sissies," says Davies. "And the ability of the South African businesses to adapt to a challenging environment in Africa is extremely good, probably better than anyone else."

Current success stories include Standard Bank, presently in 17 African countries and in a further 19 worldwide; SAB Miller, which dominates the continent's beer brewing industry and is number two brewer in the world; Naspers, South Africa's largest media company; Shoprite Holdings, Africa's largest food retailer; fellow food retailer Nasmart; mobile phone operators MTN and Vodacom; and ABSA Bank.

All are seeing annual growth of around 40% year-on-year despite the economic crisis, a phenomenon Davies attributes to the rise of the African consumer, which, he says, "used to be an oxymoron; now it's a reality".

Jacko Maree, chief executive of Standard Bank, points out that South Africa represents 0.6% of the world's GDP, yet there have been times when the market capitalisation of the Johannesburg Stock Exchange was in the top 10 in the world; it now ranks at between 13 and 14. South Africa, he says, has "always had a sophisticated market system and has punched above its weight".

Standard Bank expanded first into Africa, including Nigeria, Uganda and Botswana, and then turned its attention to emerging markets worldwide, including China. "It was the cherry on the cake when the biggest bank in the world, ICBC, decided to take a strategic 20% investment in our bank," says Maree. It was the biggest investment ever taken by a Chinese bank outside China and signalled clearly that China was interested in Africa. Standard Bank has also announced a strategic partnership with Troika Dialog, the largest independent investment bank in Russia.

One of South Africa's most successful companies is Media24, the print media arm of its oldest publisher Naspers, whose best-known newspaper is the once infamous national daily Die Burger, mouthpiece of the apartheid regime. Naspers has reinvented itself and now, in addition to the print business, has a pay TV arm and wide-ranging global internet interests. Like Standard Bank, it has bought into the world's biggest market, via a stake in Tencent, China's largest instant messaging platform, which has 230 million users. It has also acquired Tradus, the Eastern European equivalent of the online auction company eBay.

Francois Groepe, chief executive of Media24, says there are two reasons to expand into Africa and worldwide: "Much of the growth will be in developing countries, where the underlying economic growth is typically higher than the rest of the world." Equally important, he says, is that advertising spend as a percentage of GDP is often lower in developing countries: "Over time, one would assume that the gap would narrow; therefore we find the developing countries very attractive – the markets we focus on are African countries, sub-Saharan Africa, the BRIC countries – Brazil, India, Russia, China – where we focus on not only the print media but also on the technological side."

So is South Africa especially entrepreneurial? "South African business, because of the sanctions era, had to become very inventive," says Groepe. "There is a can-do attitude, particularly with rolling out into Africa, that stands us in good stead."

And there's another benefit, he adds: "We are seen as far less of a threat. We don't come with the geopolitical baggage that other players would come with."

The initial move abroad for South African companies came after sanctions ended and was born out of a need to diversify currency risk. Moving money into Africa was easier than abroad as it was encouraged by the Reserve Bank. Most companies pushed into several countries, working at higher operating margins in order to balance the operational and currency risks.

Retail expansion across Africa has been particularly successful. As Investec portfolio manager Rob Forsyth says: "The African continent is very brand loyal; with low disposable income, you need a high degree of certainty that the product will deliver what it says."

It's not that South Africa has been without its rivals. China and India have swept into Africa; and now homegrown African companies are taking back some market share.

Nevertheless, "the fact that South Africa's GDP, at an estimated $239bn (€168bn), is nearly 40 times that of the average African country makes it no surprise that South Africa has become one of the biggest investors on the continent in a decade," says African business specialist Dianna Games.

Meanwhile, at home, despite the prevailing economic climate – which has led to some agitation spilling onto the streets – the planning minister Trevor Manuel recently reaffirmed that the government's five-year infrastructure investment programme announced in 2006 is still on target to halve poverty and unemployment by 2014. Manuel, formerly the ANC government's popular finance minister, said the far-reaching programme would help to pull the country out of its first recession in 17 years.

mardi 11 mars 2008

SA sugar producer makes funding history in Zambia

Illovo Sugar has announced the successful closure of a $160-million debt facility for its Zambia Sugar subsidiary.

This landmark transaction is the largest kwacha-denominated facility raised for a Zam- bian corporate borrower and was arranged by Citi Bank and Standard Bank as the mandated lead arrangers.

Zambia Sugar, the largest sugar cane growing and sugar producing company in the Southern African country, is undertaking a $205-million expansion programme (with the debt component amounting to $160-million).

Zambia Sugar says the expansion will increase the land under cane by 10 000 ha, which will see sugar production nearly doubling from the 245 000 t produced last year, to 440 000 t in the 2012/13 season.

The two-tranche transaction comprises an onshore-placed syndicated portion with local banks and pension funds, as well as an offshore placement.

mardi 4 mars 2008

L’Afrique du Sud favorable à une approche commune de la SADC sur les APE

APA News, 28/02/2008

Le ministre sud-africain des Affaires étrangères, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma s’est engagé dans des pourparlers diplomatiques avec ses homologues de la Communauté pour le développement de l’Afrique australe (SADC) en vue d’élaborer une approche commune des Accords de partenariat économique (APE) de l’Union européenne en prélude à la rencontre avec le commissaire européen du Commerce, Peter Mandelson la semaine prochaine, a appris APA au Cap.

Dlamini-Zuma s’est entretenu avec le ministres botswanais en début de semaine et va se concerter avec d’autres Etats membres avant la rencontre avec Mandelson mardi prochain au Botswana.

La réunion sera essentielle pour définir la possibilité de revoir les APE déjà signés par certains Etats africains. Elle sera également cruciale pour l’avenir de l’Union douanière de l’Afrique australe (SACU) du fait que tous les Etats membres exceptée l’Afrique du Sud ont signé les APE.

L’Afrique du Sud a refusé de signer les APE en raison des exigences de l’UE de libéraliser son service et des inquiétudes sur sa mise en œuvre.

En outre, Prétoria souhaite la réouverture de nouvelles négociations sur tout le processus des AP, ce qui est difficile à accepter pour les pays ayant déjà signé les APE provisoires.

Faisant référence à l’exigence de l’UE d’un traitement du pays le plus favorisé, Mme Dlamini-Zuma a indiqué que son pays ne pouvait pas tolérer un accord de partenariat avec l’UE qui va restreindre ses relations avec le reste du monde.

Aux termes de la clause du pays le plus favorisé, les signataires des APE devront étendre leurs concessions faites aux autres pays dans les futurs accords de libre échange avec l’UE.

La proposition de l’Afrique du Sud de rallier les membres de l’Union douanière de l’Afrique australe s’est jusqu’ici heurtée à forte une résistance. Le Botswana est manifestement irrité par la position sud-africaine et est disposé à sortir de l’Union douanière.

Alors que l’Afrique du Sud dénigre l’UE pour sa tactique brutale, les observateurs du commerce s’inquiètent qu’elle n’exerce un chantage sur la région en menaçant de sortir de l’union douanière si les membres de la SACU refusent de renégocier les APE.

lundi 3 mars 2008

L’UE met en danger la plus vieille union douanière d’Afrique

La SACU, l’union douanière entre les pays d’Afrique australe, risque d’éclater à cause du différent qui oppose l’Afrique du Sud et les pays voisins, Botswana, Lesotho, Namibie Swaziland.

Ces pays ont signé les Accords de partenariat économique avec l’UE pour tenter de protéger leurs marchés intérieurs et conserver un accès au marché européen.

L’Afrique du Sud a refusé de signer ces accords, refusant de céder aux exigences de l’UE qu’elle juge exorbitantes. Les quatre pays signataires, qui dépendent fortement du marché sud-africain pour l’exportation de leurs produits, risquent de le perdre et ce faisant de perdre aussi les revenus des taxes douanières.

En signant les APE avec l’UE, en violation de l’article 31 du règlement de la SACU qui exige que tous les partenaires soient d’accord avant de s’engager dans des accords commerciaux avec un troisième partenaire, l’intégration régionale risque d’éclater et d’aller à l’encontre des intérêts des pays les plus pauvres.

samedi 23 février 2008

L’Afrique du Sud soutient la Banque malgache de construction et de développement (BMCD)

Madagascar Tribune, 22/02/2008

25 années d’expérience au profit de la concrétisation de la mise en place de la Banque malgache de construction et de développement (BMCD).

Projet du président de la République Marc Ravalomanana, et initié en novembre 2007, la création de la banque vise surtout à faciliter le financement aux opérateurs nationaux. Aussi, la banque sud-africaine la « Developement bank of South Africa » (DBSA) s’investit-elle dans la cadre du renforcement du secteur financier à Madagascar.

La convention signée entre les deux parties porte sur le soutien des efforts malgaches à travers des recommandations et une assistance technique. Pour la création de la BMCD, une identification des besoins et une mise à disposition de l’expertise de la DBSA sont prévues.

L’ambassadeur de l’Afrique du Sud, SEM Mokgheti Samuel Monaisa a surtout mis l’accent sur les retombées d’un tel partenariat dans l’intégration régionale, à savoir la SADC. La prochaine étape de la coopération toucherait toujours d’autres plans économiques.

jeudi 14 février 2008

Climat houleux pour la rencontre bisannuelle Union Européenne-Afrique du Sud

Business Day, 7 février 2008

L’Union européenne est-elle en train de « recoloniser l’Afrique " par des pressions économiques ? C’est l’opinion des membres de la délégation sud-africaine à la rencontre bisannuelle entre l’UE et l’Afrique du Sud.

Après le sommet de Lisbonne entre l’UE et les pays africains et le rejet des Accords de Partenariat économique (APE) par la plupart des pays africains, les relations ne sont pas bonnes avec l’Afrique du Sud accusée par l’UE d’avoir encouragé les petits pays de la SADC à ne pas signer les accords. Le ton a vite monté quand Job Sithole,député de l’Anc, président de la commission des affaires étrangères du Parlement sud-africain a ouvertement accusé l’UE de « recoloniser l’Afrique ».

À Lisbonne, la Namibie et le Botswana ont signé les APE de peur de perdre leur accès aux marchés européens, surtout les quotas de viande que ces pays vendent à l’UE. L’Afrique du Sud accuse l’UE d’avoir fait pression sur ces pays pour obtenir leur signature, créant ainsi une brèche au sein de la communauté des pays d’Afrique australe qui sont liés depuis longtemps par divers accords douaniers, tarifaires et commerciaux.

Certains experts craignent que la SACU, l’Union douanière d’Afrique australe ne résiste pas à ces coups de boutoir de l’UE. Pour Job Sithole, l’UE offre des « miettes » après avoir fait des dégâts dans les économies africaines fragiles et elle ne négocie pas d’égal à égal avec les pays africains.

La réunion qui doit durer deux jours a un programme chargé.Les discussions vont porter sur le récent sommet UE Afrique, la politique d’immigration de l’UE,les changements climatiques et l’environnement, la politique de l’énergie nucléaire de l’Afrique du Sud, les biocarburants et le très controversé partenariat économique avec la SADC.

mardi 12 février 2008

L’Afrique du Sud demande l’assistance de la Chine

Le ministre sud-africain du Travail, Membathisi Mdladlana, a demandé, vendredi, l’assistance de la Chine à son pays dans les domaines du commerce et de la croissance économique.

Des sources proches du ministre ont déclaré à la PANA que pour répondre à cette invitation, des experts économiques et commerciaux chinois pourraient se rendre sous peu en Afrique du Sud pour évaluer les besoins.

M. Mdladlana a exprimé cette requête au cours d’entretiens avec son homologue chinois en visite, Tian Chengpin.

Dans le cadre de cette initiative, les experts chinois de l’Autorité d’évaluation des compétences professionnelles vont partager leurs expériences avec les responsables sud-africains du recensement des compétences locales.

"La pauvreté généralisée, associée à un fort taux de chômage, sont aggravés par l’immigration de populations des pays voisins, avec des millions de Mozambicains et de Zimbabwéens arrivés dans le pays en quête de meilleurs opportunités d’emploi", a-t-il déclaré.

La visite du ministre chinois en Afrique du Sud, à la tête d’une délégation de cinq membres, fait suite à une série d’entretiens bilatéraux sur les relations commerciales et diplomatiques entre les deux pays ces 10 dernières années.

L’année dernière, de hauts responsables du ministère sud-africain du travail se sont rendus en Chine dans le cadre d’une mission d’enquête après une visite effectuée au préalable par M. Mdladlana.

dimanche 10 février 2008

Un député sud-africain accuse l'UE de vouloir recoloniser l'Afrique

AFRIQUE DU SUD - 7 février 2008 - APANEWS

La tension est montrée d'un cran jeudi, en marge du sommet biannuel des parlementaires africains et européens pour discuter des relations Union Européenne-Afrique, lorsqu'un député du Congrès national africain (ANC) a accusé les européens de recoloniser l'Afrique par des moyens économiques.

La délégation européenne a été sévèrement critiquée pour avoir accusé l'Afrique du Sud d'encourager les plus petits pays d'Afrique australe à refuser de signer les Accords de partenariat économique (APE) avec l'UE.

Un membre de la délégation sud-africaine avait également affirmé que les plus petits pays de l'Union douanière d'Afrique australe avaient été contraints de signer les accords de peur de perdre leur accès aux marchés européens.

La rencontre a eu lieu malgré le désaccord existant entre l'Afrique du Sud et l'Union Européenne sur les APE négociés avec la Communauté de développement des pays d'Afrique australe (SADC).

Le désaccord sur les termes des APE a valu à l'Afrique du Sud son exclusion d'une initiative qui laisse croire aux experts à une division collective de l'économie de la SADC et, selon l'expert en matière de politique internationale, John Maré, met en danger l'Union douanière des pays d'Afrique australe.

Un parlementaire de l'ANC, Job Sithole, qui préside la Commission affaires étrangères au parlement sud-africain, a indiqué que les pays même contre lesquels les Africains s'étaient battus pour obtenir leur libération sont actuellement en train de recoloniser l'Afrique de manière économique à travers leur organisation commune, l'Union Européenne.

Il a accusé l'UE de diviser la région et de saper l'unité de l'union douanière, ajoutant que les économies africaines ont été détruites et ont reçu des « miettes » à la table de l'UE.

M. Sithole a aussi laissé entendre que l'UE profitait de la faiblesse des économies africaines et n'avait pas négocié avec les Africains comme des égaux.

L'ambassadeur de l'UE en Afrique du Sud, Lodewijk Briët, a balayé d'un revers de main toutes ces accusations, affirmant qu'il croit que l'UE a fait des efforts pour traiter les Africains comme des égaux.

Les APE sont loin d'être une forme de recolonisation ou de division de l'Afrique, a-t-il dit.

M. Obed Bapela, parlementaire de l'ANC, qui dirige la délégation sud-africaine, a, pour sa part, estimé que certains pays, tels que la Namibie et le Botswana, ont signé les APE de peur de perdre leurs quotas d'accès pour ce qui est de l'exportation de viande vers le marché européen.

Il a par ailleurs fermement critiqué les accusations formulées à l'encontre de l'Afrique du Sud selon lesquelles son pays « serait en train d'intimider » les autres pays de la SADC pour qu'ils ne signent pas les APE.

M. Bapela a estimé que les APE constituent « un sujet épineux » qui mérite d'être discuté en séance privée.

Le programme de la rencontre de deux jours comprenait l'examen du bilan du récent sommet UE-Afrique tenu à Lisbonne au Portugal, de la politique d'immigration de l'UE, du changement climatique, de la politique de l'énergie nucléaire et de biocarburant de l'Afrique du Sud, ainsi que la signature controversée des APE par certains pays membres de la SADC.

jeudi 7 février 2008

Sasol to build R1,1bn gas compression station

By Olivia Spadavecchia, Engineering News, 05/02/2008

Sasol, iGas and Compania Mozambicana de Gasuduto, as joint partners in the Republic of Mozambique Pipeline Investment Company (Rompco), on Tuesday announced the construction of a R1,1-billion gas compression station, in Komatipoort.

The station would facilitate a 20% expansion of natural gas delivery from Mozambique to South Africa by the end of 2009, increasing gas delivery capacity from the current 120-million gigajoules a year to about 147-million gigajoules a year.

Sasol, which has a 50% shareholding in Rompco, said that construction would start by mid-2008, and that the engineering, procurement and construction management contract had been awarded to Foster Wheeler South Africa.

It explained that two gas-turbine-driven compressor units, and ancillary equipment, would be used at Komatipoort to increase gas flow rates in Rompco's 865-km-long transborder pipeline that transports the natural gas from the Pande and Temane gasfield in Mozambique to Sasol's operations at Secunda and Sasolburg, in South Africa.

The additional gas would be used as part of the first phase of a planned 20% expansion of Sasol Synfuel's capacity at Secunda over the next eight years.

Three-quarters of the eventual additional Synfuels capacity would use natural gas as feedstock with its more benign effects on the environment and the balance would be based on fine coal reserves.

Some of the first phase additional gas is earmarked for the gas-turbine-driven electricity generators recently ordered by Sasol Synfuels in Secunda. Commissioning of both the pipeline compressor station as well as the gas turbines is expected by late 2009.

The pipeline forms part of the $1,2-billion Natural Gas venture, inaugurated by former Mozambican President Joachim Chissano and President Thabo Mbeki on June 1, 2004. It is designed to have the capacity to transport 240-million gigajoules of gas a year.

The project is expected to provide short-term employment for about 450 people of whom about 150 will be skilled artisans and 300 local workers.

The Rompco shareholding partners are the South African government through iGas with a 25% stake, the Mozambican government though Companhia de Mocambicana de Gasuduto with 25%, and Sasol Gas with a 50% shareholding.

Business confidence continues downward trend, Sacci warns of recession

By Christy van der Merwe, Engineering News, 06/02/2008

The business confidence index for January 2008 dipped to 93,8 points - the lowest level since October 2003, the South African Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Sacci) reported on Wednesday.

Sacci economist Richard Downing said that this was probably still not capturing the full extent of uneasiness among businesses owners, considering the recent power crisis developments in South Africa.

The shortage of electricity posed a severe threat to production capacity for goods and services, as critical production time was lost owing to electricity outages. "Even if the loss in output could be limited to 5% to 10% of gross domestic product, it will be difficult to attain any growth in the economy in 2008," Downing said.

He went on to say that should the crisis not be effectively managed in the short term, and businesses lost production time of two hours or more a day, it was likely that South Africa's economic growth rate could decline to about 1% or 2%.

"There is a real threat that the economy could go into recession. This [electricity shortage] is a challenging, challenging, challenging issue for the economy," he cautioned.

The way in which those who have the obligation to supply electricity manage the electricity crisis, would determine the ultimate performance of the economy and its consequences, Sacci indicated.

It was expected to be a "battle to keep production levels constant, never mind achieving growth", said Downing.

The weaker rand against important trade and investment related currencies bore testimony to a troubled business mood, however, the effect of the weaker rand on inflation, could put monetary policy back on the defensive against rising price instability Sacci said.

Private sector participation, and privatisation was viewed as a possible solution to the dilemma. "Actions speak louder than words, and business and investors will be sensitive about how the dilemma is handled in the short-term, and how it would be addressed in the long-term," outgoing Sacci CEO Dr. Kwandi Kondlo added.

Manufacturing, imports, exports, and the number of building plans approved all declined in January, when compared with the previous month.

The business confidence index is a composite weighted index, which considers 13 sub-indices and reflects what business is doing and experiencing, rather than what it is saying.

The sub-indices are, the average monthly weighted exchange rate of the rand against the dollar, euro and pound, as well as the volatility of the rand exchange rate. The core consumer inflation rate for metropolitan and urban areas, the real predominant prime overdraft rate, retail sales volumes, rate of change in real credit extension to the private sector, and the average weighted US dollar price of gold and platinum. Merchandise import volumes, and merchandise export volumes were also important indices, as were new vehicle sales, and liquidations of companies and closed corporations. The volume of manufacturing production was another index, along with the real value of private sector building plans passed, and finally, the all-share price index of the JSE securities exchange.

mardi 5 février 2008

Chinese regulator backs ICBC's deal with Standard

By Scott McDonald - Business Report04/02/2008

Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) had received regulatory approval to buy a 20 percent stake in Standard Bank in a deal that is the latest big-ticket overseas expansion by Chinese investors, China's biggest bank said yesterday.

The deal between state-owned ICBC and Standard Bank, estimated at about $5.4 billion (R39 billion), is one of China's biggest foreign corporate acquisitions.

"The Chinese banking regulatory commission has approved the plan," said the bank.

"The deal has already been approved by shareholders of both banks, along with regulators in South Africa."

Erik Larsen, Standard Bank's media relations manager, said: "The approval did not come as a surprise as we've been hearing for a while that approval from the Chinese authorities was imminent.

"But we are not in a position to confirm it yet,'' added Larsen. The deal was still on track for final approval on February 12.

The tie-up between ICBC and Standard Bank comes amid a push by communist leaders for China's companies to expand abroad to diversify the country's economy.

Efforts have focused on developing ties with Africa as a potential source of energy, raw materials and markets for the Asian powerhouse's booming economy. China's state-owned banks are growing rapidly amid an export-fuelled economic boom, and are expanding in foreign countries to serve Chinese clients in foreign markets and to win international business.

The Chinese bank's decision to take a minority stake in Standard Bank, instead of acquiring a bank outright, was in line with a Chinese strategy of trying to avoid possible political frictions over buying assets in foreign countries.

Chinese companies have been skittish about acquisitions since the uproar in 2005 over state-owned oil company Cnooc's attempt to buy US oil and gas producer Unocal.

Cnooc dropped its bid after US critics said it might endanger energy security.

ICBC is flush with cash to pay for foreign expansion after the company raised a record-setting $21.9 billion in an initial public stock offering in October 2006. The bank says it has $153 billion in assets and reported profit in 2006 of $6.8 billion.

Standard Bank operates in 38 countries and has assets of $119 billion.

Beijing is encouraging Chinese companies to invest abroad in what it calls a "go global" strategy to diversify the economy and take advantage of international opportunities.

Chinese firms invested $21 billion abroad in 2006, according to the government.

SADC to boost air transport for 2010

The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has prioritised air transport as among its measures to delivering a quality 2010 FIFA World Cup and the FIFA Confederations Cup 2009.

Both of the tournaments will be held in South Africa.

Some of the national soccer teams which qualify are expected to be based in neighbouring countries in the SADC region, while fans have been encouraged to travel around Africa in the spirit of hosting a truly African world cup.

A joint meeting of the SADC, Common Market for eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the East African Community (EAC) directors of civil aviation and chief executives of airlines met recently to discuss interventions and improvements to this sector.

Officially opening the meeting, Zimbabwean Minister of Transport and Communications Chris Mushowe urged the civil aviation authorities and airlines in the three sub-regions to work together to develop a sound and cost efficient air transport industry.

A shortage of human resources such as pilots, aircraft and navigation agencies in the air transportation industry were among challenges identified by the officials, at the Zambia-Zimbabwe border town of Victoria Falls.

The meeting cited the capacity of the airline industry and its ability to meet an ever-increasing demand as another challenge facing the region.

SADC Secretariat said delegates stressed the need to provide an efficient and cost effective air transport service that is affordable to the people of the region, with emphasis on the introduction of direct city-to-city flights.

The meeting also resolved to establish a number of Work Teams comprising three collaborating sub-regions, namely SADC, COMESA and the EAC, tasked with the responsibility of developing and implementing among other interventions, a fast track Open Skies Policy.

The meeting was attended by representatives of SADC, COMESA and EAC states and their secretariats.

Also present were representatives of the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO), Airline Association of Southern Africa (AASA), the International Air Transport Association (IATA) and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA).

It was also attended by policy experts, directors of civil aviation and chief executives of airlines from Angola, Botswana, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Madagascar, Tanzania, Zambia, Kenya, Burundi, Rwanda, Sudan and Ethiopia.

dimanche 27 janvier 2008

Dubai government eyes more investment in SA

By Xolile Bhengu, 10 Jan 2008 - Inet Bridge

A company appointed to find the best investments for the Dubai government is expanding its portfolio in South Africa, and has big plans for the African region.

Dubai World, holding company of South African-based Dubai World Africa Services, which owns the V&A Waterfront in Cape Town, manages and supervises businesses and projects for the United Arab Emirates’ government.

The company said it had recruited senior managers for its African office.

Shadleigh Roscoe, marketing and public relations manager at Dubai World Africa Services, said the company had played a major role in developing Dubai into the leading centre for finance and property development in the Middle East, with landmarks such as The Palm islands and The World developments.

He said: “Our rapid expansion into Africa has necessitated a fully- fledged office.

“Our two new office blocks are in The V&A Waterfrontm including the fully restored Windermere House building. A third office will be built soon.”

Roscoe said there will be significant development at The V&A Waterfront including a luxury hotel to be named the One & Only.

“We also purchased the Pearl Valley Golf Estate in the [Cape Town] winelands.

“In Africa, we have partnered Kempinski Hotels in the development of a five-star luxury hotel and casino with restaurant, nightclub and conference facilities in Djibouti on Gulf of Aden at the southern entrance to the Red Sea. It borders on Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia.

Roscoe said: “We are building 50 luxury villas, and negotiating purchases of property and assets in Rwanda, the Comores, Zanzibar and other African countries.”

The company, owned by the Dubai government, aims to invest in and actively develop eco-tourism in Africa.

Negotiations are also under way for the purchase of world- renowned game reserves in Africa.

Dubai World chairman Sultan Ahmed Bin Sulayem, on a recent visit to the new offices, said the company’s expansion into Africa was the realisation of a vision to significantly improve the growth and development of the African continent.

Bin Sulayem said the company was in partnership with key stakeholders who shared the dream of building a sustainable economy for the region, and the creation of thousands of jobs for Africans while adding value to the company’s investment portfolio.

“Our offices in Cape Town are symbolic of our long term commitment to the region,” he said.

Dubai World has more than 50000 employees in more than 100 cities.

Oger Telecom sees rivals circling Telkom

Reuters, Engineering News, 24/01/2008

Oger Telecom, a Dubai-based operator that has made an informal offer for South Africa's largest telecoms operator Telkom, said on Thursday around three other parties were circling its target.

Oger Telecom CE Paul Doany told Reuters on the sidelines of a telecoms and emerging markets conference in London that he also would not be surprised to see MTN, sub-Sahara's largest mobile phone group, re-enter any process.

Doany declined to name any potential counter-bidders. He said only that he hoped partly state-owned Telkom, which has said there are no current negotiations with Oger, would discuss a deal.

"I wish there were talks," he said. "I hope there will be a process."

Oger Telecom, which is controlled by the family of late Lebanese prime minister Rafik al-Hariri, already controls a majority stake in South Africa's third-largest mobile phone operator Cell C.

Doany said his interest in Telkom had been triggered by the South African company's talks about selling all or some of its fixed-line assets to mobile phone compatriot MTN.

He said a deal with Oger Telecom, which has experience in running a large fixed-line and small mobile operation in booming Turkey, made more sense. But he stressed he was "not some crazy bidder coming from the Middle East".

"If you overpay, there will be consequences," he told the conference.

Telkom's talks with MTN were aborted last November after a disagreement about value, scuppering parallel talks to sell part of Telkom's 50 percent stake in cell-phone joint venture Vodacom to British-based mobile partner Vodafone Group Plc.

Vodafone has said it remains keen to take control of Vodacom, South Africa's largest mobile phone company, which it could use as a springboard for further acquisitions across the fast-growing African continent.

mercredi 23 janvier 2008

Can SA handle burden of regional leadership ?

The Swazi Observer

CAN South Africa really handle the burden of regional leadership and can the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) be the fulcrum of wider regional integration?

These are some of the questions Dr. Mills Soko, a senior lecturer at the University of Cape Town’s Graduate School of Business, addresses in his policy paper: The Political Economy of Regional Integration in Southern Africa.

In the past two publications of this newspaper, regionalisation in the age of globalisation and the dynamics of regional integration in southern Africa, particularly focusing on SACU and Southern African Development Community (SADC), have been discussed.
The last section, part III, deals with the contentious free trade agreement (FTA) and economic partnership agreement negotiations currently ongoing between Africa, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) and the European Union (EU).

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FTA and EPA negotiations

In so far as the SACU countries have decided to undertake multilateral and free trade agreement (FTA) negotiations as a single entity, they will be required to develop collective policies and negotiating positions on issues such as services, intellectual property matters, investment and competition law.

In particular, SACU’s negotiations with the United States (US) have highlighted the importance of internal policy coordination among the SACU states prior to engaging in external negotiations.

In keeping with its FTA strategy of ‘competitive liberalisation’, the US wants a comprehensive FTA with SACU, encompassing liberalisation of trade in goods, services and investment, inclusion of labour and environment provisions, and tightening of intellectual property rights.

On the contrary, the SACU Agreement covers a limited set of disciplines: trade in goods, agriculture, transport and the management of the common revenue pool. The main challenge is to reconcile these narrow disciplines with the comprehensive negotiating posture of the US.

Intra-SACU expansion, combined with the unfolding global trade agenda, will increasingly necessitate an alignment of SACU policies and programmes with the demands of the contemporary global trade regime.

The ongoing sets of negotiations on EPAs between the EU and some countries in eastern and southern Africa present another challenge to SACU. Initially, South Africa was involved as an observer in the negotiations by virtue of its membership of SACU and SADC.

However, the EU Council of Ministers decided in December 2006 to include South Africa in the SADC EPA grouping. Undoubtedly, South Africa’s involvement will have an important bearing on the negotiations.

It is unclear, though, what the nature of that influence will be and how this will affect the internal dynamics of the SADC EPA grouping. The parallel process of reviewing the TDCA, negotiated by South Africa and the EU, will also have implications for SACU.

The BLNS countries have been part of the TDCA review process aimed at harmonising their EPA negotiations with the EU with the TDCA. Likewise, the EU has been engaged in a process of recasting its rules of origin in order to create a single system for ACP countries to which South Africa could accede.

A vital issue in this regard will be cumulation, particularly South Africa’s cumulation with the ACP bloc and SADC. In addition, a review of trade defence measures germane to the TDCA has been proposed with the goal of rationalising them.

The evolving SACU trade architecture will also be shaped by the manner in which issues are tackled within the Co-operation Council set up by the TDCA. These include Article 18 of the TDCA, which provides scope for further liberalisation of tariff lines - spanning industrial goods, agriculture, and fish and marine products - that are either presently excluded or subject to partial liberalisation, quotas or backloading.

One of the key objectives of the EPA negotiations is to enhance regional integration among the ACP states. Whether this goal can be accomplished in the SADC context is doubtful, in light of the regional bloc’s lukewarm commitment to deeper integration. Even so, the EPA negotiations are likely to compel SADC countries to make hard choices regarding their membership in the overlapping regional trade structures and agreements.

SACU as the fulcrum of wider regional integration?

The revised SACU Agreement provides for accession by new members. The idea of expanding SACU is not new: it was previously mooted by the then apartheid regime as part of a policy to broaden South African hegemony and to counter anti-apartheid forces in the region.

But it has gained currency in recent years, largely in response to a number of strategic developments in southern Africa, including the current EPA negotiations between the EU and several countries in the region, and the increasing political and economic presence of external powers such as China and India.

This is particularly pertinent in light of SACU’s ongoing parallel FTA and multilateral negotiations. The prospect of expanding SACU triggers a number of questions. A number of SADC countries - notably Mozambique, Zambia, Malawi and Zimbabwe - have been touted as potential contenders for extended SACU membership.

Among other things, it has been suggested that enlarging SACU could overcome the ‘spaghetti bowl’ problem of overlapping regional membership of SADC countries; to this end, it has been proposed that SACU should swallow up SADC.

Given the revised SACU’s patchy track record, coupled with the institutional difficulties that the new customs union has been experiencing since its inauguration, it is perhaps unrealistic to expect SACU to effectively and adequately cope with the consequences that would result from incorporating SADC into its structures.

It has also been mooted that SACU expansion would advance domestic investment and economies of scale, even though possible industrial relocation effects would have to be properly assessed.

In spite of its allure, the idea of enlarging SACU is fraught with potential drawbacks. One of the important reasons for SACU’s relative success has to do with the unique history of deep integration of the BLNS countries into the South African political economy.

Historically, the economies of the BLNS states have been integrally enmeshed into the South African economy. To be sure, successive apartheid governments tried without success to incorporate these countries politically too.

This is not the case with other SADC countries which - notwithstanding their significant linkages to South Africa - developed different institutional arrangements and traditions to those of the BLNS states.

Enlarging membership is also likely to run into difficulties as negotiations - in a democratised SACU setting - about the common revenue pool and the CET become bogged down by attempts to accommodate the needs and interests of countries at different levels of development. Moreover, it would spark debate about the revenue-sharing formula, especially in terms of how this should be restructured and extended to new members.

This is particularly important in respect of the reconfiguration of the development component of the revenues, which would have enormous fiscal ramifications for South Africa.

Moreover, proponents of SACU expansion have to overcome a perception among some SADC nations that SACU has been a hindrance to faster and deeper regional integration. Some SACU members are intent on clinging to, and safeguarding, their privileges within the customs union and are sceptical of the SADC-wide integration project.

Any changes to the size of the development component require the consent of all of the SACU states. Taking into account domestic constraints it is unlikely that South Africa, the only contributor to the development component, would agree to increase its contribution to make up for diminished tariff revenue, at least in the short-term.

On the contrary, South Africa is more likely to put pressure on the BLNS nations to implement fiscal reforms so as to diversify their revenue base, while also revising their government expenditures.

SA and the burden of regional leadership

The southern African region constitutes a central priority in South Africa’s post-apartheid foreign economic policy. This explains why post-apartheid South Africa has made the pursuit of regional economic rejuvenation - mainly through the instruments of regional trade integration - the keystone of its foreign policy.

In this respect, the South African state has used trade policy reform as a foreign economic policy tool not only to rebuild political and economic cooperation with African countries (damaged during the apartheid era), but also to advance its leadership ambitions, particularly in the southern African region.

Yet foreign policy has not been preoccupied only with economic issues, it has also been concerned with political and security matters. As an active champion of the African Union (AU) and New Partnerships for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), South Africa has played an essential role in reshaping the security discourse on the continent.

One of the crucial challenges that confronted the emerging South African democracy was the extent to which its foreign policy would reflect the ethical and democratic values that had guided the anti-apartheid struggle. Albeit with limited success, foreign policy during the Mandela presidency strove to propound the cardinal tenets of human rights, democracy, justice and international law.

Under the leadership of Thabo Mbeki, South Africa has assiduously sought to cultivate a position as a ‘natural’ leader of the SADC region and, indeed, of the African continent. Invoking the rhetoric of ‘African renaissance’, Mbeki has set out to reaffirm South Africa’s African identity and legitimise its leadership ambitions.

Although it accounts for the bulk of Africa’s economic output, South Africa has been careful not to throw its weight around. The South African government has actively championed NEPAD and has spent enormous financial and diplomatic capital on efforts to end conflicts in several African countries.

On Mbeki’s watch, South African foreign policy assumed a strong multilateralist thrust: the emphasis was on working with other countries to fashion common solutions to global and regional concerns. South Africa sees itself as a bridge between the developed and developing worlds. And it has used multilateral diplomacy to burnish its South credentials.

Objectives

Pursuing South Africa’s national objectives through the multilateral setting has been seen as essential to providing the country with an avenue to “leverage its moral and political authority based on its democratic, non-racial and constitutional credentials”, while also reversing the African continent’s precarious position in world affairs.

As such, foreign policy became more ever geared towards shoring up South Africa’s international profile and towards using multilateral institutions to promote human rights and democratic global governance.

In this context, the apartheid-era policy of regional destabilisation made way for a policy that emphasised dialogue and mediation as the key means of conflict resolution in the region. The new policy, which South Africa has sought to export to the rest of Africa, focused on finessing political solutions to conflicts and sponsoring initiatives designed to limit regional insecurity.

This has entailed, among other things, promoting conflict prevention and conflict resolution, advancing human rights, providing assistance in monitoring and dealing with domestic issues, such as elections, that have a bearing on regional stability. It has also involved propagating regional cooperation through the evolving conflict resolution mechanisms of the AU.

Democratic South Africa’s formative experience of conflict resolution dates back to 1996, when the country tried to broker a peace deal between the president of the then Zaire (which subsequently became known as the Democratic Republic of Congo), Mobutu Sese Seko and Laurent Kabila, who marshalled the rebel forces that deposed Mobutu from power.

In recent years, South Africa has actively championed a negotiated settlement to the Congolese conflict, and its mediation efforts resulted in the conclusion of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue in 2003 (which cost the South African taxpayer about US$20m), initiated under the Lusaka Ceasefire agreement.

The emerging security doctrine was also evident when the country, backed by the United States (US), succeeded in discouraging the former Zambian president, Frederick Chiluba, from changing his country’s constitution in order to seek a third term in office.

Controversially, however, the policy suffered a setback when South Africa bungled a military intervention in Lesotho in 1998. This sparked questions about South Africa’s true intentions in the region. Beyond its ‘near abroad’, South Africa has been involved in mediating an agreement between Burundi’s warring factions in that country’s civil war.

Culminated

South Africa’s mediation efforts culminated in the conclusion of a power-sharing agreement between the rebel forces and the government of Burundi. Moreover, South Africa has committed material and human resources to bring peace and stability in Eritrea, Ethiopia, the Comoros and the Cote d’ Ivoire. And it has continued to play a role in addressing the issue of ‘conflict diamonds’ through the Kimberley process, which is designed to stamp out the use of illicit diamonds that have stoked conflict, particularly in Sierra Leone and Liberia.

Central to these activities has been a determination to foster political stability, good governance and sustainable development across the African region as a prerequisite for general prosperity. To this end, Pretoria has, among other things, invested heavily in developing the AU and its constituent structures, including the Pan African Parliament.

This is in recognition of the reality that South Africa’s destiny is inextricably tied to that of Africa. Leading the continent into an era of stability and prosperity - encapsulated in Mbeki’s ‘African renaissance’ doctrine - has thus become the leitmotif of South Africa’s external policy.

The idea of expanding SACU raises questions regarding what the attitude of South Africa, the dominant state within the current customs union, would be towards the new SACU set-up. Viewed through the conceptual lens of hegemonic powers, South Africa qualifies as a leader in the SACU region.

Capabilities

Not only does it politically and economically dominate its SACU partners, it has the requisite material capabilities to advance their economic aspirations. South Africa accounts for virtually 93 percent of SACU’s GDP and is a key supplier of manufactured goods to the SACU market. Barring some exceptions, South Africa has demonstrated its ability and willingness to provide public goods for its smaller SACU neighbours. This is manifested, for example, in the revised revenue-sharing formula, which recognises the fact that trade relations between South Africa and its SACU counterparts have continued to be skewed in favour of the former.

But whereas South Africa has skilfully legitimised its dominant role in SACU and positioned itself as the pivotal state around which the SACU integration process has revolved, such a scenario is unlikely to be replicated in an enlarged SACU arrangement. This is principally because of the historical of the ongoing regional tensions within the SADC over issues of security, leadership and democracy.

The failure of South Africa’s policy of ‘quiet diplomacy’ in Zimbabwe bears eloquent testimony to the limits of Pretoria’s regional power. It speaks to the constraints imposed on regional governance by SADC’s principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of member states.

In part, these constraints have to do with the fact that the new regional security paradigm propounded by South Africa has been challenged by some states within the region - notably Angola and Zimbabwe - which have refused to accept South Africa as the guardian of their interests.

Fundamentally, this has to do with power politics and relations among the regional states. As Mda observed: South Africa’s overwhelming economic dominance of the SADC region is a key reason why Zimbabwe opted to negotiate EPAs under the Eastern and Southern Africa configuration created by the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA).

COMESA’s attraction to Zimbabwe derives partly from Harare’s calculation that it has a competitive advantage over its COMESA regional partners that it does not have within the SADC.

Considering its historical role in the political and economic destabilisation of the region, South Africa has been anxious to prove that it is a good regional citizen and has striven to ensure that it acts in a manner that does not undermine the cohesion of the SADC. Over the past few years, South African regional diplomacy has focused on fostering regional unity and consensus-building, tackling SADC’s institutional problems, and on pursuing multilateral solutions to regional conflicts.

However, South Africa’s security role has been impeded by SADC’s steadfast observance of the principle of non-interference. Bar the ill-fated invasion of Lesotho in 1998, SADC has never intervened in an intrusive fashion in the internal affairs of a member state in the same way as, for example, the Economic Community of West African States has done in West Africa.

Furthermore, South Africa’s position has been hampered by SADC’s deficiencies, typified by institutional differences over leadership, security and democracy, as well as the problem of poor managerial expertise. As such, the regional body has not been able to perform its security mandate effectively, highlighted by the failure to ensure credible, free and fair elections in the region, notably in Zimbabwe.

An expanded SACU, which includes countries intent on challenging South Africa’s leadership, is likely to be hobbled by the politics of power. And this, in turn, is likely to strain decision-making processes. Considering its long history of political and economic domination within SACU, South Africa has become accustomed to driving policy processes and wielding sway over its BLNS partners; the new democratic SACU structures notwithstanding.

As one commentator averred: “The region is characterised by the dominance of the South African economy and a long history of more than a hundred years of co-operation in a particular kind of custom union that has existed since colonial days. SACU has not known supra-nationality up till now”.

The dictates of realpolitik suggest that South Africa (especially if it continues to underwrite the bulk of regional integration costs) will continue to demand exercising prerogatives commensurate with its contribution to regional integration efforts. As such, it is unlikely to allow its power to be eroded even in a larger SACU, particularly in cases where it feels that its fundamental interests are being threatened.

To be sure, South Africa’s enduring power and ‘control’ of decision-making remains a source of concern among the small SACU states. Domestic concerns and interests are likely to impinge on South Africa’s role in an enlarged SACU. Despite its political and economic primacy in SACU, South Africa still has to contend with the pressing domestic challenges of consolidating democratic transformation and redressing apartheid-inherited social and economic inequalities.

In light of these considerations, policymakers would have to work very hard to convince anxious domestic constituencies about the wisdom of increasing South Africa’s contribution to SACU finances in order to absorb the impact of increased membership.

Already, South Africa’s Department of the Treasury has questioned the continuation of payment on customs receipts and has called for the introduction of changes. As the Treasury’s director-general, Lesetja Kganyako, warned: In sum, regional integration in southern Africa will not succeed unless South Africa, by far the biggest and most diversified economy in the region, discharges its responsibilities in accordance with its hegemonic status.

Whether South Africa can assume a hegemonic regional role will depend on three considerations: first, the extent to which the country’s political and bureaucratic elites are able to balance the country’s regional obligations against domestic pressures; second, the manner in which the country deals with the legacy of apartheid South Africa’s historical destabilisation of the region; and third, the degree to which the country’s leadership credentials are accepted by other regional states.

SA: Climate change mitigation study in ‘final stretch'

By Christy van der Merwe, Engineering News, 18/01/2008

South Africa's long-term mitigation scenario (LTMS) study, regarding climate change, which would inform future policy decisions, is now in its "final stretch", Environment and Tourism Minister Marthinus van Schalkwyk told delegates at a climate change round table discussion in Cape Town, on Friday.

Once the LTMS study is finalised, which was said to be imminent, it will be submitted to Cabinet, where it, together with work on sectoral strategies, the greenhouse-gas inventory, national communications to the United Nations, and South Africa's adaptation planning, will be used as a reference to inform the deliberations towards a legislative package, which would give effect to South Africa's policy at a mandatory level.

Norwegian Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg, Kenyan Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Wangari Mathai, as well as various climate change scientists attended the function, and Van Schalkwyk affirmed that South Africa "stood ready to take ambitious mitigation action".

The minister said that after a period of despondency, there was a new spirit of optimism and cooperation after the Bali meeting, which took place in December.

It was decided in Bali, that by 2009, the details of a more effective and inclusive climate regime should be agreed upon, and set an agenda leading up to 2009, which would revolve around discussions on adaptation, mitigation, technology, and financing.

More stringent emission reduction targets are envisioned for developed countries, and developing countries have agreed to start negotiations on mitigation action that is measurable, reportable and verifiable.

"Adapting to climate change is a prerequisite for economic growth and development in Africa. That is why this field will have high priority in Norway's international development activities in the years to come. We are now geared to focus on the prevention of and the adapting to climate change in African countries where the need is most urgent, and where we - together with our African partners and international organisations - can really make a difference," Stoltenberg commented.

Another important outcome from the Bali roadmap, was that the US committed to join negotiations. "Developing nations demonstrated leadership in Bali, it is now over to the US to demonstrate leadership and take their fair share of responsibility," reiterated van Schalkwyk.

He would be meeting with the US in ten days at the second US-hosted Major Economies meeting on energy security and climate change, where he would once again echo the same sentiments.

The Major Economies meeting will take place two days after President George W Bush's State of the Union address on January 28, and Van Schalkwyk felt that this would be a good time for Bush to signal a turning point for real action and commitment on climate change from the US.

Following the meeting in Cape Town, Stoltenberg will travel to Norway's research station, Troll, on the Antarctic Continent.

"The Antarctic is the world's leading climate laboratory. Here we are able to see the history of climate change and changes in global emissions. Research carried out in the Antarctic may offer invaluable information on the further development of the climate situation. The expedition will provide completely new knowledge on climate change and I look forward to receiving their first reports when they arrive," Stoltenberg said.

SA: Power crisis threatens to sink major projects

Business Day, Mariam Isa, Charlotte Mathews and Mathabo le Roux - 18/01/2008

CONCERN is growing that SA’s electricity crisis could tarnish its appeal to investors, after news that several new mining projects and a ferrochrome expansion project had been put on the back burner because Eskom lacked the power needed to run them.

A R22bn aluminium smelter — the biggest foreign direct investment secured by the country to date — also may be under threat, with Eskom confirming yesterday it may be delayed by supply constraints.

Chamber of Mines assistant adviser Dick Kruger said he could not give details, but there were platinum projects for which the mining companies had been told there was no power available.

A ferrochrome expansion plan had also been halted.

He said final decisions on new mining ventures were now likely to be delayed until there was certainty on power supply in 2013 — when Medupi, the first new coal-fired plant, comes on stream.

“We are in for a very hard five years,” Kruger said.

Eskom finance director Bongani Nqwababa said the utility wanted to dissuade the government from taking on new energy-intensive projects before 2013, when its R300bn five-year expansion plan would be complete.

“It’s a question of supply and demand. It would be irresponsible now to aggressively pursue energy-intensive businesses. A balance has to be found, that is the reality,” he said.

Business Unity SA said yesterday it was alarmed at the news and a spate of power blackouts had already cost business “millions”. It was also eroding international confidence in SA as an investment destination, the group said.

“We are seeking an urgent meeting with Eskom and government in order to determine the extent of the problem and to have a clear, transparent and unequivocal plan going forward,” it said.

Minerals and Energy Minister Buyelwa Sonjica acknowledged yesterday SA was experiencing a serious problem, but moved to calm the uproar over power cuts, which have hit industries, offices and homes in the past week.

“I wish to put it to the country that we do have an acute problem of supply at the moment. I wish also to emphasise that we have a low electricity reserve margin,” she said.

But she said the government was considering a number of “interventions” to ease the crisis, which would be discussed at a cabinet meeting next week. “There’s no need to panic about future investments,” she said.

Nqwababa said projects already in the pipeline would go ahead, but construction of Rio Tinto’s Alcan aluminium smelter might be rescheduled. “We need to make sure the pace of the project and the pace of our commitments match. If we can’t meet our commitments then we’ll ask them to reschedule.”

With construction set to start in the second half of this year, the project is the biggest and most advanced in Rio Tinto’s pipeline.

Spokesman Robert Valdmanis said yesterday the smelter was going ahead. When pressed, he said: “If (the project) gets delayed its prioritisation may change and no one knows what the outcome of that may be. I don’t want to speculate beyond that.”

For projects under construction, mining firms had secured electricity supply at the outset and Eskom would stick to its agreements.

Kruger said SA faced a magnified power squeeze this week, when supply was constricted by maintenance that would help through the winter. But he believed the crisis would be worse this time next year.

Bongani said Eskom aimed to add an average of 2000MW of electricity each year, doubling capacity to 80000MW by 2025.

This assumed that the economy would grow at an average 6% a year, and supply would be threatened only if it exceeded those expectations, he said. Faster growth than expected has been one of the main reasons for the power crisis, with SA clocking up a pace of 5,4% in 2006, a 25-year peak.

The government aims to boost growth to 6% by 2010 to help create jobs, but there is concern the power supply crunch will thwart that goal.

Kruger said demand would continue to outstrip capacity. Even if the economy slowed this year, appetite from households and mines would remain robust. The biggest electricity users are redistributors — mainly municipalities — followed by heavy industry and the mining sector.

Standard Bank group economist Goolam Ballim played down the crisis, saying it was just one constraint . “I’m not sure investor confidence will be downgraded but it will temper confidence and shave off some of the earnings growth expectations for South African equities.

Eskom gets ready to roll out solar water-heating programme

By Olivia Spadavecchia, Engineering News, 22/01/2008

State-owned power utility Eskom's solar-powered water heater incentive programme, which was due to be rolled out soon, would only be launched on a national basis once there was registered suppliers in all main centres, it said on Tuesday.

Eskom was currently working on the programme and, although the timing was dependent on the suppliers providing all the necessary information, it was expected that the programme would be rolled out soon.

Since December, over 80 potential suppliers were asked to express interest in registering, Eskom said, adding that interest had also been seen from new entrants in the market, both locally and internationally.

The utility said that it was carefully managing the awareness around the programme so as to ensure that it was not creating a demand in the solar industry that could not be supplied.

Some R2-billion would be made available through the programme, which was managed by financial services firm Deloitte & Touche, over the next five years.

The incentive assistance was provided directly to the customer through a "discounted price" through a supplier registered with Eskom.

It explained that a customer who used a registered supplier and installer would pay the rebated amount, the supplier, in turn, would then be able claim back the incentive amount from Eskom's facilitating auditors.

The utility's objective was to replace about 900 000 electrical geysers, including new homes being built, with solar systems, thereby creating an energy saving of 578 MW.

The utility said that the energy savings created by using solar power, rather than electricity, would decrease a consumer's electricity bill by between 20% and 40%, and being a renewable source would contribute to greater environmental objectives.

The programme formed part of Eskom's demand-side management programme which aimed to save some 3 000 MW of electricity by 2012 and up to 8 000 MW by 2025.

All solar heaters must undergo South African Bureau of Standards (SABS) testing, the cost of which was said to be "prohibitive" for small businesses in the industry. However, Eskom explained that its aim with the SABS testing was to minimise risk for consumers, adding that testing would ensure a successful and sustainable programme as the equipment had to be safe and of a high quality.

The company said that the solar-power systems must be high pressure, and that it would have to be installed in conjunction with a timer (or load management device) to optimise energy savings and regulate usage.

Further criteria for the programme stipulated that registered suppliers and installers would only be able to claim the discounted amount once the electrical and plumbing certificate of compliance had been issued; suppliers must also be registered with the Sustainable Energy Society of South Africa's solar water-heating division.

Rising food costs raise concerns for hungry families

Labour federation Cosatu has warned of widespread hunger among poor families and the unemployed who can no longer cope with the soaring food prices.

"The increases are bound to lead to poor families going hungry as they lack the means to put food on the table because of the high prices" Cosatu spokesman Patrick Craven said.

Last Wednesday Finance Minister Trevor Manuel said the 80% increase in the price of bread over the last 12 months was worrying, adding that a public discussion on the matter was urgently needed.

The already grave situation could be worsened by mass retrenchments linked to the interest rate hikes and characterised by the inability of the economy to create new jobs and risks to existing jobs.

"Employers would try to offset the cost of servicing their loans by retrenching workers and cutting their wages," the labour federation said.

Elsewhere, discontent over food prices has led to riots, demands for higher wages and calls for governments to resign, the United Nations' Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) said this week.

The food watchdog has also warned of the possibility of serious social unrest and food shortages in countries like South Africa and other third world nations should the situation remain unchanged.

Cosatu said the situation was certain to create a demand for higher wages which could force unions to embark on countrywide strikes again this year.

President of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) Senzeni Zokwana said "the union would ensure this year's wage demands fully compensate workers for the drop in their real standards of living over the past year", adding that "the skyrocketing prices spell disaster for millions of the poorest South Africans".

Another Cosatu union, the Food and Allied Workers Union (Fawu), has observed "none of the increases in food prices find their way into the pockets of the farm and food-processing workers, who remain the worst paid and most exploited of the working class."

Indigent households would be compelled to dig even deeper into their pockets as food prices soar after one of the country's major bakery, Tiger Brands, raised the price of bread by 40 cents a loaf.

In some places people have to buy bread at R6,75.

Two other large bakeries, Pioneer Foods and Premier, were expected to raise the price of its Sasko and Blue Ribbon bread soon.

The situation is exacerbated by government's no longer regulating the price of food.

SACP spokesman Malesela Maleka said it was outrageous the government said and did nothing about depriving people of their staple food, bread, while the white capitalist class and a tiny black majority continued to enrich themselves.

SACP has urged the government to urgently step in and stop the price increase.

Meanwhile, South African Municipal Workers Union (Samwu) general secretary Roger Ronnie said government's macro-economic policy, the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (Gear), had resulted in the dramatic decline in living standards of the poor, which were worse than those that prevailed during the apartheid era.

Food prices were not expected to drop significantly this year, said Andre Jooste, an economist in the Agricultural Marketing Council.

Source:
Labour Correspondent, The Herald, 21 January 2008

jeudi 17 janvier 2008

Podcast a feature on the South Africa’s Department of Trade and Industry

From Engineering News in Johannesburg, 05/12/2007

South Africa’s Department of Trade and Industry has lifted the veil on the country’s new motor industry support policy.

The Motor Industry Development Programme, which is currently under a government review, now seems to no longer focus as heavily on export incentives as the State attempts to bring the policy in greater alignment with Word Trade Organisation rules.

Trade and Industry industrial policy chief director Nimrod Zalk says any subsidies linked directly to exports or local content are viewed as so-called "red-light subsidies" by the World Trade Organisation, and that they can be subject to a fast-track complaint mechanism.

He says this is making the Motor Industry Development Programme “vulnerable”.

The programme is an import/export complementary arrangement, whereby the local content value of components or built-up vehicles exported, earn credits that can be used to rebate import duties on components and vehicles.

The framework of the replacement scheme should be released before Christmas.

Independent power plant developer Ipsa has unveiled plans to fast track the first 250 MW of a 500-MW power station being built in the Eastern Cape.

The rapid development comes as the owner of the coal mine, which will feed the plant, confirmed that the coal reserves will justify an on-site power station.

Ipsa says the fast-track approach is reflecting the national need for South Africa to bring new power capacity on line “as swiftly as possible”.

The Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, or CSIR, and the North West University will jointly establish what will be South Africa’s first hydrogen research centre.

The centre will focus on hydrogen production, storage, delivery and distribution and is expected to greatly reduce South Africa’s dependency on oil and gas and reduce carbon dioxide emissions.

The CSIR says that hydrogen and fuel cells are globally seen as energy solutions that enable clean and efficient production of power and heat from a range of key natural resources, such as platinum.

South Africa has more than 75% of the world’s known platinum reserves.

Fuel pipeline operator Transnet Pipelines says it anticipates that work on its R11,2-billion multiproduct fuel pipeline, from Durban to Gauteng, should start during the first quarter of 2008.

This will be crucial for the company to complete the 24-inch pipeline by the third quarter of 2010.

The company is now only awaiting final licence conditions from the National Energy Regulator of South Africa and a record of decision signalling environmental sanction.

Also in this week’s Engineering News Online:

Automotive fastener companies CBC Fasteners and Nedschroef will have to pay administrative fines after the South African Competition Commission have found them guilty of fixing trade conditions.

Technology group Altron will be going "back to the drawing board", after the Public Investment Corporation blocked its planned buy-out of subsidiary Altech, arguing that the company lacked transformation and representivity of its board.

South Africa’s new vehicle sales have slipped by 13,8%, to 47 707 units in November to its weakest level in the last two and a half years. The National Association of Automobile Manufacturers of South Africa says trading conditions generally, and particularly in the new car market remained "under severe pressure".

South African Civil Aviation Authority has announced that CEO Zakes Myeza will be stepping down. This comes after concerns have been raised about the separate roles of the CEO of civil aviation authority and the commissioner for Civil Aviation.

And in this week’s Engineering News magazine, out on Friday, read our cover story, on new bus rapid transport (BRT) systems.

We also report on the crucial relationship between mature and novice engineers, and look into how private power production can be fostered despite the unattractive price environment.

Finally, don’t miss our features on the Coega development in the Eastern Cape, and the Berg Water Project in the Western Cape.